IE  NATIONAL  POLICY. 


TRACTS  FOR  THE  TIMES. 


]Vu.ixiber    One. 
CONDUCTED    BY    JOHN    WILLIAMS, 

EDITOR     OF     "THE     IRON    AGE." 


Subject— WHO    NEEDS    PROTECTION! 


BY  A  WESTERN  FARMER. 


NEW    YORK: 

THE    OFFICE    OF    "THE    IRON   AGE," 
80  Beekman  Street 


CHICAGO: 
JOHN   A.   NORTON,   BOOKSELLER   AND   PUBLISHER, 

AND  AGENT  FOB  THE  WRITINGS  OP  HENRY  C.  CARET, 

126J  Dearborn  Street 
1865. 


• 

f    .'/.    ..1>.    IT'-..      iWf    ft 


LIBRARY 


OFFICE  OF  THE  IRON  AGE,          ) 
80  Beekman  St.,  New  York,  December,  1865.  j 

This  tract  is  the  first  of  a  series  (compiled  from  articles  appearing  in 
THE  IRON  AGE)  which  I  design  issuing,  with  the  object  of  presenting  to 
the  American  public,  in  a  simple  and  popular  form,  the  leading  arguments 
in  support  of  the  great  principle  of  National  Industrial  Independence. 

I  do  not  engage  in  this  enterprise  as  the  advocate  of  any  class,  or  the 
organ  of  any  special  interest,  but  as  the  defender  and  exponent  of  that 
great  NATIONAL  POLICY  which  aims,  by  the  development  of  the  vast  and 
varied  resources  of  this  country,  to  elevate  and  enrich  all  classes  of  its 
people. 

I  hope  in  these  short  and  simple  papers  to  make  plain  that  there  is  a 
perfect  harmony  between  the  interests  of  all  American  producers,  and 
that  laborers  and  capitalists,  farmers,  miners  and  manufacturers  are  all 
alike  concerned  in  securing  the  variety  and  extent  of  our  domestic  pro- 
ductions. 

I  expect,  at  the  same  time,  to  show  that  as  the  material  interests  of  all 
classes  of  the  people  will  thus  be  promoted,  so  will  be  their  mental  cul- 
ture and  their  social  elevation. 

And  I  intend  to  exhibit  the  beneficial  influence  which  the  prosperity  of 
this  nation,  thus  secured,  must  have  upon  the  condition  and  prospects  of 
the  ill-paid  European  laborer,  who,  seeing  the  boundless  field  of  honorable 
and  profitable  industry  thus  thrown  open  to  him,  will  either  emigrate  to 
this  country  or  demand  larger  payment  and  higher  social  and  civil  rights 
in  his  own. 

I  ask  the  support  of  all  who  desire  the  success  of  this  policy  to  the 
present  undertaking — the  necessity  and  advantage  of  which  I  think  will 
not  be  denied. 

Efforts  the  most  specious  and  persistent  are  being  made  by  the  advo- 
cates of  what  is  called  "  universal  free  trade"  to  mislead  the  people  on  this 
subject,  and  the  prejudices  of  farmers  and  workingmen  are  especially  ap- 
pealed to  ;  to  counteract  these  efforts  will  be  my  unceasing  object,  and  to 
manifest  the  certain  ruin,  financial  and  industrial,  which  the  prevalence  of 
this  system  would  bring  upon  the  American  nation,  will  be  the  great  de- 
ign of  these  TRACTS  FOR  THE  TIMES. 

The  tracts  will  be  supplied  at  a  price  very  little  beyond  cost  to  individ- 
uals or  to  societies  desiring  them  to  circulate  gratuitously. 

JOHN  WILLIAMS, 

Editor  of  THE  IRON  AGE. 


THE  IRON  AGE, 


t  \  c> 


Hardware,  Iron  and  Industrial  Reporter, 

JOHN    WILLIAMS,    Editor, 


IS   PUBLISHED    AT 


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EVERY  THURSDAY  MORNING. 


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WHO    NEEDS    PROTECTION? 

BY  A  WESTERN  FAIIMER. 

IN  civilized  as  in  barbarous  countries,  the  farmer's  trouble  usually  is  how 
to  raise  any  thing.  In  the  West,  our  trouble  is  ho\v  to  get  rid  of  what  we 
easily  raise  and  have  at  the  year's  end  something  to  show  for  it  besides 
hard  hands  and  little  or  no  money.  To  talk  of  the  wonderful  privileges 
of  the  Great  West,  as  to  soil  and  climate,  has  become  the  favorite  theme 
of  strangers  and  visitors — and  the  underlying  fact  we  gratefully  acknow- 
ledge. But,  in  spite  of  the  fruitful  soil  and  climate — in  spite  of  hard  labor 
and  the  best  tools  in  the  world — farming  in  the  West  is  not  as  profitable 
a  business  as  it  might  be,  as  it  ought  to  be.  We  don't  complain  of  corn 
being  worth  ten  cents  a  bushel — but  it  looks  a  little  hard  not  to  be  able  to 
sell  it  at  that.  To  be  charged  twenty- five  cents  for  a  dinner  at  the  "West- 
ern Hotel,"  and  five  cents  a,glass  for  lager-beer,  looks  reasonable  ;  but  to 
swap  two  and  a  half  bushels  of  corn  for  the  one,  and  half  a  bushel  for  the 
other,  keeps  many  a  hard-working  man  hungry  and  thirsty  when  in  town. 
Potatoes  are  everywhere  bringing  something.  In  the  West  you  can  some- 
times not  give  them  away,  unless  you  agree  to  deliver  them  free  of  charge 
at  the  man's  door,  who  obliges  you  by  taking  them  off  your  bands.  This 
abundance,  this  cheapness  of  the  good  things  of  this  world,  has  had  this 
good  result — that  among  civflizecf  nations  the  Westerners  are  the  most 
hospitable,  and  are  free  with  what  they  have  as  air.  At  the  same  time, 
they  are  the  most  wasteful  of  people.  While  their  outposts  are  carrying 
on  a  continued  skirmish  with  Indians,  buffaloes,  and  other  varmint,  the 
main  body  of  this  grand  army  of  civilization,  with  the  keenest  axes,  with 
the  brightest  plows,  is  carrying  on  a  war  of  destruction  to  which  Phil. 
Sheridan's  Shenandoah  bonfires  could  not  hold  a  candle — leveling  before 
them  the  proudest  forests,  cutting  up  the  smooth  face  of  the  earth  with 
deep  gullies,  causing  inundations  unknown  before,  and  springs  once  never- 
failing  to  dry  up  ;  fastening  upon  the  ground  itself,  and  sucking  the 
very  life  out  of  it.  This  tireless  and  fast-increasing  multitude  leaves  in 
its  broad  track  a  desolation  worse  than  the  army-worm,  and  carries  a  ruin 
with  it  which  can  never  be  mended.  Where  ordinary  tools  won't  work  fast 
enough,  fire  is  called  in  to  destroy  woods — magnificent  as  they  are  invaluable 
— to  scatter  to  the  winds  of  heaven  or  carry  to  the  ocean  the  fertility  of  the 
prairies,  slowly  stored  up  during  countless  centuries.  While  mother  earth 
is  thus  being  robbed,  as  long  as  she  yields  any  thing  it  never  enters  the 
genuine  Westerner's  head  to  make  any  return  to  her ;  land  is  dirt-cheap — 
still  better  further  on.  Provisions,  grain,  and  fodder,  are  likewise  dirt- 
cheap — therefore  the  western  farmer  wastes  every  year  enough  in  the  house 
to  keep  a  German  family  six  months.  He  gives  grain  and  fodder  to  his 
stock  without  cooking,  grinding  or  cutting  them,  when  it  is  dry  on  the 
ground,  when  wet  in  the  ground. 

While  this  great  waste  is  going  on  all  over  the  rich  Western  country — 
while,  at  a  short  distance  from  railways  and  navigable  rivers,  the  farmer 
gets  scarcely  any  thing  for  his  surplus  products,  the  people  of  St.  Louis 
and  New  Orleans,  Chicago  and  New  York,  pay  two — pay  ten  prices  for 
flour,  beef,  and  butter,  which  differ  from  those  of  Iowa  only  in  sometimes 
not  being  quite  so  fresh.  To  furnish  these  people  with  garden  stuff,  with 
milk,  we  are  by  the  distance  entirely  prohibited.  We  are  confined  to  a  few 
of  the  most  exhaustive  crops;  and  where  chinch-bugs  and  other  "trials" 
kill  the  wheat,  the  fertility  of  the  land  is  still  more  rapidly  impaired  by  the 
severe  rotation  of  crops  to  which  we  are  compelled  to  submit  it,  namely — 
corn — corn — corn — until,  instead  of  exporting  corn  from  Illinois  at  ten 
cents  a  bushel,  we  shall,  like  New  England,  import  guano  at  sixty  dollars 
a  ton,  or  let  our  richest  bottom  lands  grow  up  to  weeds  and  woods  like 


WHO   NEEDS    PROTECTION? 

Virginia.  We  are  on  the  high  road  for  the  one  or  the  other  ;  for,  not  con- 
tent with  having  fed  the  operatives  of  the  manufacturing,  and  the  negroes 
of  the  planting  States,  we  have  long  been  taught  to  consider  it  as  the 
height  of  human  felicity  to  be  attained  to  haul  our  surplus  products  to  the 
"markets  of  the  world" — or,  if  you  please  England,  a  little  to  France  and 
Belgium.  And  with  what  result  ?  Have  we  been  paid  for  carrying  the 
fat  of  the  land  across  the  ocean  ?  Have  the  poor  of  England  been  eating 
the  cheap  bread  and  meat  of  the  West  ?  Certainly  not.  The  elder  Pitt, 
speaking  in  Parliament  in  the  year  1766,  made  use  of  the  following  lan- 
guage :  "  I  speak  from  accurate  knowledge  when  I  say,  that  the  profits  to 
Great  Britain  from  the  trade  of  the  colonies,  from  all  its  branches,  is  two 
millions  per  annum.  This  is  the  fund  which  carried  you  triumphantly 
through  the  last  war;  this  is  the  price  America  pays  for  her  protection." 

Whether  America  still  pays  in  order  to  be  protected  by  England,  may 
be  doubted  ;  but  that  we  pay  is  certain,  for  the  balance  of  trade  is  almost 
always  against  us.  That  is  to  say,  thirty  millions  of  Americans,  working 
on  the  sea,  in  mines,  in  shops  and  on  farms,  when  they  ccme  to  settle  with 
England  on  each  last  of  December,  somehow  or  other  find  themselves 
nearly  always  in  debt  to  her.  This  being  so,  don't  it  seem  as  if  there  were 
a  screw  loose  somewhere  ?  The  mistake  of  the  Western  farmer  consists 
in  his  taking  his  surplus  products  to  a  distant  market,  and  in  there  buying 
his  commodities.  The  price  of  what  he  sells  and  of  what  he  buys  is  fixed, 
not  by  him,  but  by  the  English  trader.  The  farmer  taking  a  load  of  po- 
tatoes to  his  "  county  seat,"  who  gets  a  good  price  when  his  team  is  the 
ontyone  in,  gets  little  or  nothing  when  there  are  twenty  teams  in  town.  A 
ship  load  of  American  flour  in  Liverpool  is  made  to  compete  with  nearly 
all  the  flour  raised  anywhere,  and  the  cheapest  regulates  the  price  of  the 
res-t.  To  depress  that  price,  to  overcome  the  competition  of  the  rich  and 
lou--p'riced  American  wheat  and  corn  lands,  the  wheat-raising  peasant  on 
the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  the  Black  Sea,  throughout  the  whole  of  Europe 
nearly,  is  forced  to  live  on  rye,  potatoes,  and  skim-milk;  he  eats  no  butter, 
hardly  any  meat,  and  dresses  in  the  coarsest  stuffs,  often  linen  only,  sum- 
mer and  winter.  He  gets  hardly  any  wages,  and  his  children  get  hardly 
any  education.  The  condition  of  the  people  of  Europe,  though  greatly 
improved  since  Franklin's  time,  may  still  be  characterized  in  his  words  : 
"  Whoever  has  traveled  through  the  various  parts  of  Europe,  has  observed 
how  small  is  the  proportion  of  people  in  affluence  or  easy  circumstances 
there,  compared  with  those  in  poverty  and  misery — the  few  rich  and 
haughty  landlords,  the  multitude  of  poor,  abject,  rack-rented,  tithe-paying 
tenants. -and  half-paid,  half-starved  laborers."  With  these  men  do  we  com- 
pete. Now,  let  us  guess  at  the  whole  value  of  our  yearly  exportations  to 
that  European  market,  the  closing  of  which  some  people  would  have  us 
consider  as  a  sentence  to  smother  in  our  own  fat.  According  to  figures 
taken  from  the  census  by  that  great  writer  and  patriot,  Henry  C.  Carey,  we 
exported  during  the  three  years  which  immediately  preceded  the  rebellion, 
"  Of  pork,  Indian  corn,  lumber,  wheat,  wheat-flour,  wool,  to  Great  Britain, 
France  and  Belgium,  $32,367,000."  The  annual  average,  as  here  is  shown, 
of  the  demand  for  these  important  commodities  by  the  three  great  manu- 
facturing countries  of  Europe,  was  less  than  $11,000,000,  or  little  more  than 
sixteen  cents  per  head  of  their  total  population.  A  single  hundred  thou- 
sand of  their  people,  attracted  here  by  large  demand  for  labor  and  liberal 
wages,  would  furnish  a  demand  for  the  various  products  of  the  land  much 
greater  in  its  amount.  So  it  appears  we  are  in  ordinary  times  exporting 
little,  and  for  that  little  we  are  getting  a  small  price.  But  no  matter  bow 
dear  the  English  workman  has  to  pay  for  his  daily  bread — a  small  portion 
of  which  is  American — we  in  the  West  never  get  the  difference  between 
Chicago  and  Liverpool  prices. 


TTIIO   NEEDS    PROTECTION? 

On  one  side  of  the  big  pond  we  have,  therefore,  millions  upon  millions 
of  poor,  hard-working  Englishmen,  Belgians,  Germans,  Norwegians,  who 
never  had  a  decent  dinner  in  their  lives.  On  our  side,  stand  we  American 
farmers,  blessed  with  plenty,  in  the  midst  of  prairies  untilled  and  yet  un- 
pa?tured,  but  with  granaries  already  full,  and  rivers  of  milk  running  over, 
and  nearly  all  going  to  the — hogs.  To  carry  our  vegetables,  our  delicious 
fruit,  to  the  little  factory  children  of  Europe,  and  turn  an  honest  penny  in 
the  operation,  is  of  course  out  of  the  question.  On  those  crops  which  we 
have  been  exporting  we  make  little  or  no  profit,  and,  what  is  infinitely 
worse,  by  their  continued  and  exclusive  production  we  turn  our  rich  wood 
and  prairie  lands  into  one  great  frightful  Sahara. 

Now,  when  a  man  has  but  little  money,  is  hungry,  and  able  to  work,  he 
generally  goes  where  there  is  something  to  eat  and  offers  his  services. 
Why  do  the  laborers  of  Europe  not  come  here,  pitch  into  work,  which  is 
as  plentiful  as  provisions,  and  have  good  wages  ?  Millions  have  come ; 
but  as  long  as  a  mechanic  and  father  of  a  family  can,  for  the  same  money, 
buy  four  times  as  much  to  eat  in  Missouri  as  in  Lancashire,  it  looks  ex- 
ceedingly strange  that,  for  the  sake  of  poor  wages,  he  should  continue  to 
eat  humble  pie,  and  have  his  children  do  so  after  him.  What  prevents  the 
miners  of  England,  the  iron  and  steel  workers  of  Belgium,  the  always 
starving  weavers  of  Silesia,  to  come  over  en  masse,  weave  our  wool  and 
cotton,  dig  our  coal  and  iron,  make  our  rails  and  locomotives,  and  eat  and 
drink  our  surplus  products  ? 

THE  POLICY  OP  GREAT  BRITAIN  PREVENTS  IT.  This  policy  is  the  same 
to-day  it  was  two  hundred  years  ago.  It  is  described  by  an  Englishman 
about  a  hundred  years  ago  as  follows  :  "Manufactures  in  our  American 
colonies  should  be  discouraged,  prohibited.  We  ought  always  to  keep  a 
watchful  eye  over  our  colonies  to  restrain  them  from  setting  up  any  of  the 
manufactures  which  are  carried  on  in  Great  Britain  ;  and  any  such  attempts 
should  be  crushed  in  the  beginning,  as  they  will  have  the  providing  rough 
materials  to  themselves,  so  shall  we  have  the  manufacturing  of  them." 

Now,  we  love  the  English  language  and  her  poets ;  we  admire  her  phi- 
losophers and  philanthropists ;  mankind  is  indebted  to  that  small  band 
who,  in  the  darkest  times,  have  fought  the  hard-won  battles  of  freedom  ; 
but.  at  the  same  time,  a  regular  Englishman  of  birth  and  property,  hold- 
ing office  in  church  or  state,  is  apt  to  be  the  most  intolerant  and  intolerable 
being  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  This  rich  and  official  Briton  looks  upon 
the  world  as  created  and  existing  for  the  sole  purpose  of  being  governed 
and  fleeced  by  himself  and  family,  "honestly  if  you  can." 

This  British  intolerance  drove  nonconformists  over  the  ocean ;  this 
British  arrogance,  this  peculiarly  British  utter  contempt  for  the  rights,  for 
the  feelings,  of  anybody  out  of  the  favored  parts  of  that  insignificant 
island,  drove  colonists  the  most  loyal  into  rebellion  against  their  "mother 
country,"  against  what  they  long  fondly  called  "  home."  This  is  the  view 
taken  by  enlightened  Englishmen  themselves  at  the  time  of  our  revolu- 
tionary war,  and  is  forcibly  expressed  in  Colonel  Barre's  reply  to  one  of 
the  ministry  :  "  They  planted  by  your  care  !  No,  your  oppressions  planted 
them  in  America.  They  fled  from  your  tyranny  to  a  then  uncultivated 
and  inhospitable  country,  where  they  exposed  themselves  to  almost  all  the 
hardships  to  which  human  nature  is  liable  ;  and  amongst  others,  to  the 
cruelties  of  a  savage  foe,  the  most  subtle,  and  I  will  take  upon  me  to  say, 
the  most  formidable  of  any  peo-ple  upon  the  face  of  God's  earth.  And  yet, 
actuated  by  principles  of  true  English  liberty,  they  met  all  hardships  with 
pleasure  compared  with  those-  they  suffered  in  their  own  country  from  the 
bands  of  those  that  should  have  been  their  friends.  They  nourished  by 
your  indulgence  !  They  grew  by  your  neglect  of  them.  As  soon  as  you 
began  to  care  about  them,  that  care  was  exercised  in  sending  persons  to 


WHO   NEEDS     PKOTECTION? 

rule  them,  in  one  department  and  another,  who  were  perhnps  (lie  deputies 
of  deputies  to  some  members  of  this  house,  sent  to  spy  out  their  liberties, 
to  misrepresent  their  actions,  and  to  prey  upon  them — men,  \vhose  be- 
haviour on  many  occasions  has  caused  the  blood  of  those  sons  of  liberty 
to  recoil  within  them.  They  protected  by  your  arms  !  They  have  nobly 
taken  up  arms  in  your  defence  ;  have  exerted  a  valor,  amidst  their  con- 
stant laborious  industry,  for  the  defence  of  a  country  whose  frontier  was 
drenched  with  blood,  while  its  interior  parts  yielded  all  its  little  savings 
•  o  your  emolument." 

In  1765,  Washington,  in  speaking  of  the  Stamp  Act,  says  :  "What  may 
be  the  result  of  this  and  some  other  (I  think  I  may  add  ill-judged) 
measures,  I  will  not  undertake  to  determine  ;  but  this  I  may  venture  to 
affirm — that  the  advantage  accruing  to  the  mother  country  will  fall  greatly 
short  of  the  expectations  of  the  ministry  :  for  certain  it  is  that  our  whole 
substance  already  in  a  manner  flows  to  Great  Britain,  and  that  whatsoever 
contributes  to  lessen  our  importations  must  be  hurtful  to  her  manufactures." 

In  1824,  Andrew  Jackson  said  :  "  In  short,  sir,  we  have  been  too  long 
subject  to  the  policy  of  British  merchants.  It  is  time  ive  should  become  a 
little  more  Americanized."  It  is  now  long  enough  since  those  two  great 
statesmen  and  warriors  humbled  the  pride  of  England  at  Yorktown,  and 
at  New  Orleans,  to  have  made  Americans  forget,  or  at  least  forgive,  that 
England  had  once  been  cursed  with  a  King  and  a  Ministry  who  had  hired 
Indian  chiefs  and  German  potentates  to  invade  their  free  and  happy  country. 
Before  the  outbreak  of  the  slaveholders'  rebellion,  there  was  hardly  a 
grudge,  or  prejudice,  left  against  the  British.  But  we  all  know  how  un- 
speakably base  England  has  acted  during  the  rebellion — how  contemptibly 
cowardly  since.  England  has  fought  as  openly  as  she  dared  against  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  against  strong  and  united  America. 
And  this  is  the  nation,  or  at  least  its  rulers,  who  preach  us  "Free  Trade," 
because  it  would  be  the  making  of  America.  If  British  impudence  could 
blush,  it  might  improve  the  opportunity  by  the  light  of  burning  American 
merchant  vessels.  But  it  can't.  With  an  intensity  of  selfishness  surpass- 
ing that  of  Tyre  and  Carthage,  Great  Britain  tries  to  plunder  the  whole 
habitable  and  inhabitable  globe.  The  Irishman,  the  Hindoo,  and  the  China- 
man, are  equally  ruined  by  free  trade — but  by  it  the  American  farmer  and 
planter  is  to  be  made  rich  !  If  honest,  hard-working  farmers  (may  they 
raise  corn  or  cotton,)  are  in  the  least  doubt  how  to  vote — whether  for  so- 
called  free  trade,  or  for  protection  to  American  mechanics  and  manufac- 
tures, and  a  home-market  for  themselves — they  will  remember  that  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  Clay  and  Jackson,  were  equally  against  free  trade — for 
protection,  for  a  home  market.  But  if,  even  after  examining  those  great 
men's  opinions,  they  should  be  inclined  to  think  that  times  had  changed — 
that  the  new  era  of  steam,  of  international  communication  and  exchange, 
might  make  desirable  a  new  line  of  industrial,  of  commercial  polity — then 
they  ought  to  remember,  and  so  as  never  to  forget,  nor  have  their  children 
forget,  that  "free  trade"  is  the  watchword  of  those  who  charged  the  lawful, 
the  constitutional  government  of  the  United  States  of  America  with  waging 
war  for  "  empire,"  against  those  who  were  fighting  for  their  "  indepen- 
dence" ;  that  "  free  trade"  was  the  countersign  of  those  who  ran  our  block- 
ade in  order  to  furnish  a  set  of  reckless  and  pitiless  criminals  with  the 
means  of  destroying  the  republic  ;  that  "  free  trade"  is  on  the  flag  of  those 
pirates,  who  inaugurated  and  illustrated  it  by  burning  a  fleet  of  defenceless 
American  merchantmen. 

Now,  free  trade,  or  protection,  is  not,  like  predestination  or  the  baptism 
of  infants,  a  speculative  question — in  which  case  it  could  never  be  satisfac- 
torily decided.  It  is  simply  a  question  of  dollars  and  cents,  and  as  such 
to  be  decided  by  our  interest  as  the  latter  appears  to  our  good  hard  sense. 


WHO   NEEDS     PROTECTION? 

The  English  merchants  and  manufacturers  may  be  supposed  to  understand 
their  interest,  and  they  are  for  free  trade.  Why  ?  Because  under  it  the 
farmers  of  the  globe  ship  their  surplus  to  England  and  take  their  pay  in 
English  goods.  Producers  are  therefore  underbidding  each  other  while 
selling  their  stuff,  and  bidding  each  other  up  when  buying  the  manufac- 
tured English  articles-paying,  in  addition,  freight  charges  each  way. 

That  Americans  should  ever  have  doubted  whether  to  make  their  own 
clothing,  their  every  article  of  necessity  and  convenience,  may  soon  seem 
strange,  almost  inconceivable,  to  those  to  whom  we  are  in  the  course  of 
nature  to  leave  our  rich  western  inheritance,  improved  if  posssible,  but 
certainly  as  good  as  we  entered  it.  An  aristocracy  taught  to  rule  or  to- 
ruin,  to  despise  northern  mudsills  and  greasy  mechanics,  alarmed  at  the 
prosperity  of  free  labor  in  regions  vastly  inferior  in  natural  advantages,  had 
too  well  succeeded  in  spreading  the  insidious  poison  of  sectional  prejudice 
against  manufactures  in  the  United  States,  because  they  first  sprang  up  in 
Yankee  land.  Well,  those  Yankees !  in  maintaining  the  Union,  they 
poured  out  their  blood  as  freely  as  the  West — and  their  money  !  .The- 
vvorld  wondered  at,  then  admired,  a  public-spirited  liberality  never  equaled. 
But  the  time  of  sectional  prejudices  has  now  passed  forever.  In  a  short- 
lime  there  will  be  less  difference  in  manners,  in  dialect,  in  interest  and 
feeling,  between  the  men  of  the  Palmetto  State  and  those  from  the  land 
of  steady  habits,  than  there  is  now  between  an  Englishman  and  a  Scotch- 
nan.  Everybody  begins  to  see  that  every  day's  work  more  done  in  Amer- 
ica, under  a  government  mild  but  strong,  will,  as  it  ought,  benefit  every 
American.  While  the  majority  of  our  people  will  stick  to  that  delightful,, 
nii^st  primitive,  and  most  scientific  avocation,  agriculture,  others  will  give 
shipe  and  value  to  our  raw  material — others  will  keep  the  widely  sepa- 
rated parts  of  the  great  Republic  together  in  a  friendly  exchange  of  the 
prulucts  of  different  soils,  climes,  crafts.  With  pleasure  rarely  felt,  the 
mind  dwells  on  this  great  and  certainly  not  very  distant  future  of  our  great 
Union.  The  intelligence,  the  prompt  action  of  the  West  and  South,  while 
it  will  hasten  the  advent  of  this  new  era,  will  benefit  the  farmers  them- 
selves more  than  any  other  class.  For  it  is  the  American  farmer  who 
needs  protection  the  worst. 

For  now,  two  hundred  and  fifty  years,  the  planters  and  farmers  of. 
A  merica  have  been  carrying  on  their  business  with  a  ruinous  recklessness.. 
The  rich  and  vast  bank  on  which  they  have  so  largely  been  drawing., 
though  honoring  each  reasonable  draft,  has  in  many  localities  been  forced; 
to  suspend  payment  on  account  of  their  long  continued  run.  American- 
fanning  may  be  defined  as  the  art,  with  the  least  labor,  at  the  least  cost,. 
and  ia  the  shortest  time,  to  ruin  the  biggest  farm,  and  make  the  least 
money  in  the  operation.  For  the  valleys  and  on  the  hill  sides  of  Vermont, 
formerly  producing  wheat,  there  is  now  hardly  strength  enough  left  for 
white  beans — the  smaller  farms  have  been  swallowed  up  and  gone  to  grass. 
As  far  as  Ohio,  this  depleting  and  depopulating  disease  has  spread — the- 
poorer  farmers  all  the  time  being  shoved  further  into  the  wilderness.  But,, 
when  Iowa  has  worn  out  fields,  when  Alabama  has  exhausted  and  aban- 
doned plantations,  then  it  seems  high  time  to  stop  and  consider  !  Again, 
when  in  New  York  State  it  has  become  an  extensire  and  expensive  science 
how  to  restore  worn  out  lands  at  reasonable  cost,  when  high  authority  tells- 
us  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  value  of  our  improvements  upon  the  ground 
equals  the  lasting  injury  done  to  it  by  the  diminished  fertility  of  the  soil — 
then  each  reflecting  man  must  come  to  the  inevitable  conclusion,  that 
American  farming  has  been,  and  is,  radically  wrong.  And  in  what?  I'M 
growing  without  rest,  without  change,  and  without  manure,  summer  after 
summer,  the  must,  exhaustive  crops,  sending  thorn  off  thousands-  of  miles, 
and  ?u  roljijji.i;  tin-  Around  of  that  return  which  it  muxt  have,  «*:•  become? 


WHO   NEEDS     PROTECTION? 

barren.  Those  wonderful  deposits  of  fertility,  more  valuable  than  gold 
mines,  more  indispensable  than  iron  and  even  coal,  will,  with  prudent 
management,  bear  moderate  interest  almost  forever;  but  a  spendthrift  may 
ruin  this  rich  patrimony  in  a  short  time,  and  impoverish  his  children  forever 
and  ever.  We  are  now  in  the  midst  of  a  splendid  career  of  ruin.  The 
grain  trade  of  Chicago,  unrivaled  on  the  globe,  our  annual  hecatombs  of 
oxen  and  hogs,  what  are  they  but  the  sad  proofs  that  we  are  running 
through  our  fortune  as  fast  as  the  seasons  come  round  ?  Let  this  reckless 
run  on  the  "  Farmer's  Bank"  continue  fifty  years,  and  we  will,  like  tho 
Chinese,  be  compelled  to  save  and  carry  to  the  compost  heap  every  hair 
as  it  falls  from  our  heads — like  the  English,  we  will  be  found  on  every 
battle  field  digging  up  the  bones  of  the  slain,  grinding  them  into  'alf  and 
quarter  inch  bone  dust,  and  spreading  them  on  sickly  turnip  fields.  Now 
we  may  export  gold  and  petroleum  and  possibly  grow  rich,  but. when  we 
habitually  export  the  products  of  the  soil,  we  run  to  ruin,  because  we  must 
then  either  abandon  our  worn  out  farms,  or  we  must  import,  (not  to  put  too 
fine  a  point  upon  it)  manure  ! 

If  there  was  no  other  way  of  improving  the  plains  of  the  West,  smiling 
in  childlike  beauty  and  promise,  than  to  stick  up  unsightly  cabins  and 
fences  for  the  purpose  of  ruthlessly  destroying  their  virgin  fertility,  how 
much  better  to  have  left  them  buffalo  pastures  until  a  generation  came 
round  more  provident  than  we  are. 

But  wait  we  cannot ;  what  is  more,  we  need  not.  As  soon  as  we  see 
that  our  farming  has  been  doing  over  the  left  shoulder,  as  soon  as  we 
believe  it  preferable  to  have  to  go  to  the  shoemaker's,  to  the  woolen  factory, 
five  miles  instead  of  fifty,  or  five  hundred,  or  five  thousand  ;  as  soon  as  wj 
can  believe  that  our  own  countrymen,  engaged  in  manufacturing  what  we 
need,  while  consuming  what  we  produce,  will  by-and-by  sell  us  as  cheap 
as  foreigners,  while  we  will  certainly  be  more  able  to  buy  of  and  pay  them — 
so -soon  the  remedy  for  the  only  remaining  evil  of  America  will  have  be>>n 
found*.  This  evil  consists  in  our  unfortunate  vassalage  to  Europe,  in  our 
long  continued  colonial  dependence  on  Great  Britain.  To  break  that  bond 
of  servility,  American  industry  needs  protection  until  it  has  become  stnng 
enough  to  overcome  and  forever  subdue  the  machinations  of  foreign  traders 
and  capitalists.  Does  it  appear  unreasonable  to  the  farmer  that  the  rien 
who  intend  to  work  up  his  wool  and  cotton,  while  putting  up  their  costly 
buildings,  their  expensive  machinery,  should  ask  him  and  the  voters  of 
America  for  protection  until  they  get  fairly  going  all  over  the  continent  ? 
If  this  demand  seem  unreasonable,  let  the  farmer  ask  himself  whether,  in 
;his  opinion,  Congress  intended  to  oppress  the  consumers  of  wool,  and 
>  create  a  monopoly  for  him,  when  they  laid  import  duties  on  foreign  wool  ? 
These  duties  are  three  cents  per  pound  on  the  lowest  priced  foreign  wool, 
six  cents  per  pound  for  the  next  in  rank,  the  next  ten  cents  per  pound,  and 
ten  per  cent  ad  valorem-,  the  highest  twelve  cents  per  pound,  and  ten  per 
•cent,  ad 'valorem.  In  spite  of  these  duties,  foreign  wool,  especially  of  the 
lower  grades,  is  imported,  because,  in  the  Pampas,  in  the  countnr  of  the 
:KaTirs-  andtth-e  Maories,  sheep  can  be  kept  cheaper,  by  half  wild  nomades  and 
•convicts,  tljaa  by  American  fanners.  If  now  the  nation  should  be  made 
<to  repeal  thoee  duties,  what  would  the  farmer  have  to  say?  He  would 
probably  say,  that  all  the  fault  about  those  duties  was,  that  they  were  not 
high  enough  ;  if  they  were,  not  a  pound  of  foreign  wool  could  come  in, 
every  'body  -would  then  go  into  sheep — the  prairies,  the  plains,  and  the 
hill  sides  would  be  covered  with  flocks.  Even  if  wool  should  at  first  be  a 
little  higher,  the  competition  of  California,  Iowa  and  Vermont,  would  pre- 
ven' any  thing  like  an  oppressive  monopoly  ;  the  fodder  and  grain  of  the 
farm"  would  be  retained,  and  returned  to  the  land  as  manure;  numerous 
woolen  factories  would  spring  up.  r 


WHO    NEEDS    PROTECTION  ? 

So  the  farmer  arrives  in  his  reasoning  where  the  manufacturer  starts, 
but  both  aim  at  the  same  thing — encouragement,  protection  to  home  in- 
dustry, employment  not  only  for  the  strong  man,  who  delights  in  swinging 
his  axe  and  running  his  plow  through  the  rich  ground,  but  employment  for 
all,  according  to  their  age,  sex,  talent.  With  uncounted  millions  of  tons 
of  the  most  nutritious  grasses  yearly  rotting  on  the  ground,  or  going  up 
in  grand  but  very  expensive  fireworks ;  with  a  climate  adapted  to  sheep 
not  less  than  the  high,  cool  plains  of  Castile,  and  the  warm,  deep  valleys 
of  Andalusia,  we  have,  with  cotton  produced  without  wages,  and  assisted 
by  free  trade,  succeeded  in  keeping  just  about  thirty  millions  of  sheep  less 
than  we  consume  the  wool  of!  Only  think  a  moment!  while  there  is 
hardly  a  western  farmer  but  could  keep  from  five  to  ten  sheep — in  the  win- 
ter for  nothing  (counting  their  manure),  and  in  the  summer  for  less — while 
the  plains,  as  soon  as  our  Indians  and  wolves  are  a  little  more  civilized  or 
thinned  out,  might  be  traversed  by  flocks  larger  and  finer  than  those  of 
Spain  and  France,  from  the  Red  River  of  the  North  to  the  Red  River  of 
the  South,  meeting  with  food  ev.er  tender  and  abundant  and  skies  always 
summer-like,  we  are  now  pursuing  a  course  when  hardly  a  man,  when 
hardly  a  child  going  to  school  across  the  bleak  prairie,  but  would  be  com- 
forted by  a  thick  woolen  cloak  to  keep  off  the  rain  and  the  piercing  cold 
wind.  And  while  so  stinting  ourselves,  we  import  yearly  one  hundred  mil- 
lions of  pounds  of  wool,  raw  or  manufactured  !  We  run  our  plows  early 
and  late,  we  take  the  risk  of  droughts,  floods,  hail,  frost,  Hessian  fly,  clinch 
bug,  army  worm,  and  what  not,  and  seem  to  find  this  more  pleasant  or 
profitable  than  to  let  a  few  sheep  eat  the  natural  grass  of  the  prairies  and 
grind  it  into  wool  and  mutton.  We  have  been  seduced  into  this  suicidal 
course  by  the  apparent  cheapness  of  cotton  goods — the  negroes  getting 
only  their  rations  and  clothes  (such  as  they  were),  and  the  European  oper- 
atives, for  about  sixteen  hours'  work,  getting  no  more — less,  according  to 
Southern  testimony.  And  we  in  the  West,  while  living  on  the  cream  of 
the  land,  were  being  kept  poor  and  becoming  poorer,  because  of  the  rapid 
exhaustion  of  the  land — not  only  by  the  raising  of  exhaustive  crops,  but 
in  consequence  of  the  semi-tropical  climate  of  America,  its  powerful  sun, 
its  torrents  of  rain,  washing  the  soil  faster  and  faster  as  you  go  South. 
Ten  to  fifteen  years  of  constant  corn  or  cotton,  of  constant  plowing  (even 
if  it  be  round  plowing)  exhaust  upland  soil. 

Happily,  the  remedy  is  to  a  great  extent  as  yet  in  our  own  hands  ;  we 
must  exclude  foreign  wool,  we  must  exclude  all  foreign  fabrics  which  can 
be  made  in  America ;  we  must  keep  sheep  to  retain  or  restore  the  fertility 
of  the  soil — for  civilization,  fertility,  manure,  are  one  and  the  same  thing, 
although  of  different  aspect  and  scent. 

Possibly  some  woolen  manufacturers  may  be  short-sighted  enough  to 
wish  for  our  continued  competition  with  foreign  wool ;  in  that  case  they  are 
like  some  of  us  farmers  crying  for  "  cheap  goods."  Ttyey  hold  a  dime  so 
close  to  their  eyes  that  they  can't  see  a  dollar  at  a  little  distance.  The 
best  way  is  to  stick  to  the  permanent  interests  of  the  country  and  out-vote 
them — to  send  no  man  to  Congress  but  those  pledged  to  protect  American 
industry,  including  the  production  ot  wool.  What  the  grower  and  the 
manufacturer  of  wool  need  is  security.  It  is  not  likely  that  a  man  will 
largely  invest  in  sheep  or  woolen  factories  unless  he  knows  he  is  to  have 
the  custom,  the  protection  of  his  countrymen,  while  building  up  and  trying 
permanently  to  establish  an  industry  profitable  to  him  and  beneficial  to  his 
country.  And  so  it  is  with  the  mining  of  coal  and  iron,  the  manufacture 
of  paper,  in  fact  every  branch  of  legitimate  industry. 

A  Western  farmer  may  be  expected  to  represent  the  interests  of  his  sec- 


WHO    NEEDS    PROTECTION  ? 

tion,  yet  since  the  large  estates  in  the  former  slave  States  have  lost  their 
political  influence,  the  interests  of  the  Minnesota  and  Texas  farmer  are 
identical.  The  manufacturing  and  mining  portions  are  of  course  for  pro- 
tection. The  interests  of  all  sections  of  America  are  one,  and  are  in  con- 
flict with  those  of  Europe.  If  so,  which  side  will  we  take  ?  Washington 
says  :  "  Harmony,  liberal  intercourse  with  all  nations  are  recommended  by 
policy,  humanity,  and  interest.  But  even  our  commercial  policy  should 
hold  an  equal  and  impartial  hand,  *  *  *  constantly  keeping  in 
view  that  it  is  folly  in  one  nation  to  look  for  disinterested  favors  from 
another  ;  that  it  must  pay  with  a  portion  of  its  independence  for  whatever 
it  may  accept  under  that  character  ;  that  by  such  acceptance  it  may  place 
itself  in  the  condition  of  having  given  equivalents  for  nominal  favors,  and 
yet  of  being  reproached  with  ingratitude  for  not  giving  more.  There  can 
be  no  greater  error  than  to  expect  or  calculate  upon  real  favors  from  nation 
to  nation.  'Tis  an  illusion  which  experience  must  cure,  which  a  just  pride 
ought  to  discard." 

When  thefie  words  were  penned,  when  they  were,  in  '96,  given  to  his 
countrymen,  Washington  did  not  know  that  within  two  years  he  was  to  be 
appointed  commander-in-chief  against  that  country  whose  help  alone  had 
enabled  the  colonies  to  make  good  their  Declaration  of  Independence  as 
fast  as  they  did.  Not  against  the  same  people  altogether,  for  in  '78  they 
Were  ruled  by  a  king ;  in  '98  they  were  republicans.  Sixty-five  years 
have  passed  since  Washington's  beloved  voice  was  hushed.  In  the  inter- 
course of  America  with  the  powers  of  Europe,  our  statesmen,,  of  all  par- 
ties, have  ever  kept  "  the  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct"  as  a  sacred 
bequest.  Yet  did  this  strict  neutrality  not  suffice  to  mitigate  the  hereditary 
hate  of  Britain's  rulers  against  dissenters,  colonists,  Americans,  into  a 
feeling  of  appreciating  kindness.  That  the  peace,  the  unity  of  the  republic 
was  not  the  aim  of  England  and  France  during  the  last  four  years,  is  now 
plain  to  every  intelligent  man.  And  if  Englishmen,  who  sent  out  blockade 
runners  and  Alabamas  during  war,  send  merchant  vessels  full  of  "  cheap" 
goods  during  peace,  are  our  memories  so  short,  is  our  judgment  so  poor,  as 
to  believe  those  "cheap"  goods  to  be  sent  mainly  for  our  benefit  1  No  !  if 
we  know  our  interests,  we  will  act  up  to  the  wise  old  saw — "  Timeo  Da- 
naos,  et  donaferentes,"  or  British  goods  we  can't  afford,  even  as  a  gift.  We 
fully  intend  to  do  our  work  henceforth  ourselves  ;  we  fully  intend  to  shut 
ourselves  up  in  our  own  house,  admitting  nothing  from  the  old  country 
save  perhaps  a  few  of  her  people — for  some  of  them  have  long  been  looking 
to  our  country  as  to  a  better  world.  They  are  like  the  horse  hired  out  to 
work,  and  which  was  to  have  a  feed  of  oats  every  day  ;  but  oats  being 
high,  he  got  a  few  less  each  day,  until  the  boss  found  him  one  morning 
gone  to  a  better  country.  "  What  a  pity,"  the  master  then  exclaimed,  "he 
should  die  just  now,  when  he  had  almost  learned  to  do  without  oats  !" 

As  the  case  now  stands,  the  German  or  English  operative  produces,  say 
knives  and  forks,  astonishingly  cheap.  Unfortunately,  provisions  are  so 
dear  with  him  that  he  has  not  much  use  for  them.  The  American  farmer, 
when  he  "swaps"  for  a  set  of  Sheffield  or  Solingen  "blades,"  finds  that 
they  take  a  good  many  bushels  of  grain,  or  pounds  of  meat;  but,  while 
the  European  workman  has  an  empty  stomach,  and  the  American  farmer 
suffers  for  everything  but  "victuals,"  the  "commerce  of  the  world"  flour- 
ishes by  making  cheap  food  dear  and  scarce,  and  cheap  manufactured 
articles  scarce  and  dear.  This  is  called  free  trade.  That  this  way  of 
doing  business  is  not  exactly  conducive  of  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest 
number  seems  as  plain  as  that  the  United  States  are  a  better  farming  coun- 
try than  Canada.  One  feels  at  times  almost  inclined  to  let  things  take 


WHO    NEEDS    PROTECTION  ? 

their  course — let  mechanics  and  manufacturers  timidly  and  slowly  follow 
the  trail  of  the  Western  pioneer,  and  have  them,  like  him,  conquer  in  the 
end.  With  hearts,  however  heavy,  we  might  be  induced  to  let  the  labor- 
ing millions  of  Europe  slave  on  until  they  saw,  of  their  own  accord,  that 
for  their  excessive  and  ill-paid  labor,  for  their  being  compelled  to  sacrifice 
their  best  years  in  a  standing  army  in  order  to  keep  down  their  fellow-suf- 
ferers, for  their  political  disfranchisement  and  for  their  social  degradation, 
the  quick  and  sure  remedy  was  emigration  en  masse  to  the  United  States  of 
America. 

But  that  way  of  letting  things  have  their  course  would,  while  pleasing 
to  people  of  peaceable  propensities,  unfortunately  have  the  effect  of  carry- 
ing the  fertility  of  America  to  Europe,  and  that  fertility  gone,  the  majority 
of  American  farmers  become  the  peers  of  the  European  peasants  !  Farm- 
ers, therefore,  need  protection  as  much  as  any  man — only  more  so.  Act 
and  vote  on  the  question  we  must,  especially  if  it  be  true  that  "  the  Eng- 
lish manufacturers  are  making  tremendous  efforts  to  have  Congress  next 
winter  repeal  the  high  protective  tariff." 

The  commercial,  industrial  and  agricultural  policy  of  the  United  States, 
a  subject  of  awful  magnitude,  seems  simple  for  the  future.  Our  territory, 
all  within  the  temperate  zone,  with  neighbors  north  and  south  likely  to 
behave,  stretches,  with  fertile  soil,  from  one  of  earth's  great  oceans  to  the 
other.  With  rivers  and  lakes -as  no  other  country,  with  a  conformation  of 
ground  adapted  to  be  the  world's  great  highway,  with  coal  and  all  kinds  of 
metal  as  no  other  country,  with  cotton,  flax  and  wool,  with  wheat  and  corn, 
rice  and  tobacco,  with  apples,  grapes  and  oranges,  with  a  people  not  equaled 
in  enteprise  and  genius,  with  a  constitution  freer,  laws  milder,  than  any  ever 
framed — shall  this  great  Republic  of  America  still  continue  to  pay  yearly 
tribute  to  her  decaying  old  master  over  the  water  ?  And,  while  sending 
their  hard  earnings  to  keep  up  a  proud  aristocracy,  Americans  have  the 
comfortable  assurance  that,  at  the  first  opportunity,  their  remittances  will 
be  invested  in  Stonewalls. 

If  farming  consists  in  the  science  of  rearing  the  largest  crops  from  the 
smallest  surface,  with  the  least  labor,  at  the  smallest  cost,  and  with  the 
least  injury  to  the  land,  then  it  is  high  time  we  should  begin  to  practice  it, 
by  attracting  to  our  side  men  engaged  in  useful  occupations  other  than 
farming,  and  who  are  neither  lawyers,  merchants,  nor  office  seekers.  Let 
every  article  used  by  us  be  made  in  America,  even  if  we  have  to  import 
the  raw  material,  and  let  it  be  manufactured  as  near  the  consumer  and 
producer  of  cheap  bread  as  possible.  For  in  this  way  each  farmer  will  be 
enabled  to  do  his  own  "trading,"  he  will  find  a  ready  consumer  for  his 
"  mush,  milk,  and  molasses,"  for  his  "  speck  and  sourkrout,"  for  his  "  beans 
and  'taters."  Land  will  no  longer  be  treated  after  the  manner  of  an  old 
worn-out  coat,  but  will  be  held  in  higher  estimation  than  gold  and  precious 
stones. 

The  operatives  and  mechanics  of  Europe,  attracted  to  our  free  country 
by  high  wages,  cheap  bread  and  cheap  lands,  will  by  degrees  become 
Americans,  and  enable  us  to  bring  to  a  happy  conclusion  that  great  his- 
torical contest  which  has  for  generations  been  maintained  by  "  Old"  Eng- 
land for  the  monopoly  of  manufactures  and  of  trade,  and  for  her  suprem- 
acy on  the  ocean.  Hoping,  as  Franklin  hoped,  for  peace  and  good  will 
among  men,  we  may,  like  him,  be  deceived.  Prudence,  then,  counsels  to 
make  ourselves  by  degrees  as  independent  of  foreign  nations  as  we  can,  to 
teach  our  vessels  to  sail  on  our  lakes,  rivers  and  canals,  rather  than  in  the 
British  channel.  Humanity  demands  that  we  meet  the  aggressions  of 
British  monopoly  and  French  glory  with  a  country  full  of  men  and  money. 


UCSB  LIBRARY 


WHO    NEEDS    PROTECTION  ? 

While  adhering  to  a  policy  of  neutrality,  the  main  reason,  as  given  by 
Washington,  may  be  said  to  have  ceased,  in  a  great  degree,  to  exist.  He 
says  :  "  With  me  a  predominant  motive  has  been  to  endeavor  to  gain  time 
to  our  country  to  settle  and  mature  its  yet  recent  institutions,  and  to  pro- 
gress, without  interruption,  to  that  degree  of  strength  and  consistency 
which  is  necessary  to  give  it,  humanly  speaking,  the  command  of  its  own 
fortunes." 

We  hare  just  found  "  one  war  at  a  time"  enough — almost  too  much — 
because  we  were  not  prepared  for  it.  If  another,  a  foreign  war,  should  un- 
fortunately come,  we  will  be  best  prepared  for  it  if,  from  now  till  then,  we 
shall  have  used  all  honorable  means  to  induce  as  many  Europeans  as  pos- 
sible to  settle  in  our  country,  bring  with  them  their  skill  and  industry,  and 
it  may  be  their  money — if  we  continue  the  policy  into  which  we  have  been 
forced  by  our  first  great  war,  the  encouragement,  the  protection  of  do- 
mestic industry. 


A    000  655  641     9 
JUST  PUBLISHED 

MANUAL    OF    SOCIAL    SCIENCE, 

BEING    A    CONDENSATION    OF    THE 

"PRINCIPLES  OF  SOCIAL  SCIENCE" 

OF  HENRY  C.  CAREY,  LL.   D. 

BY    KATE    MC  KEAN. 

"The  universe  is  a  harmonious  whole,  the  soul  of  which  is  God.  Himself  the  perfection  of 
harmony,  He  has  impressed  upon  every  soul,  as  His  image,  its  own  especial  harmony.  Num- 
bers, figures,  the  stars,  all  nature  indeed,  harmonize  with  the  mysteries  of  religion." — KEPLEB. 
In  one  volume,  12mo.  Price  $2  25.  By  mail  free  of  postage  to  any  address. 

CONTENTS. — Of  Science ;  Of  Man  the  subject  of  Social  Science ;  Of  Increase  in  the  numbers 
of  Mankind;  Of  the  Occupation  of  the  Earth  ;  Of  Value;  Of  the  Formation  of  Society  ;  Of 
Approbation  ;  Of  Changes  of  Matter  in  Place ;  Of  Changes  of  Matter  in  Form— Chemical  and 
Mechanical  Changes ;  Vital  Changes ;  Of  the  Instrument  of  Association — Money  and  Price, 
The  Supply  of  money,  The  charge  for  the  Use  of  Money,  The  Trade  in  Money ;  Banking 
in  England,  France,  and  the  United  States;  Hume,  Smith,  and  other  writers  on  Money ;  Of 
Production  and  Consumption  ;  Of  Accumulation ;  Of  JL'irculution  ;  Of  Distribution — Wages, 
Profits,  and  Interest ;  The  Eent  of  Land  ;  The  People  and  the  State ;  Of  Competition ;  Of 
Food  and  Population ;  Of  Colonization ;  Of  the  Malthusian  Theory ;  Of  Commerce — The  Re- 
lations of  the  Sexes,  The  Relations  of  the  Family,  The  Commerce  of  the  State,  The  Com- 
merce of  the  World;  Of  Society  Organization ;  Of  Social  Science. 


"  The  author  drew  me  more  and  more  towards  him,  as  much  indeed  by  his  moral  and  hu- 
mane character  as  by  his  far-seeing  mind.  I  gradually  learned  what  I  possessed  in  the  writ- 
ings of  the  man  whom  I  had  previously  known  only  as  the  expounder  of  apparently  strange 
views  in  relation  to  the  Rent  of  Land ;  or,  as  I  may  truly  say,  I  had  known  him  only  by 
name.  I  thought  it  but  reasonable,  then,  to  make  myself  master  of  the  subject  before  laying 
my  opinions  before  you.  What  really  had  to  be  done  was  nothing  less  than  to  exchange  the 
well  nigh  Ptolemaean  point  of  view  of  science  for  the  Copernican.  What  the  heliocentric 
point  of  view  is  to  astronomy,  what  the  improved  theories  in  regard  to  space  and  time  are  to 
metaphysicians,  that  the  new  axiom  of  the  course  of  development  in  the  cultivation  of  the  soil 
is  to  the  students  of  Social  Science.  *  *  *  *  *  * 

"  I  can  to-day,  with  a  good  conscience,  and  without  a  fear  that  I  shall  ever  be  forced  to 
recall  my  judgment,  declare  that  Carey,  the  mention  of  whom  was  once  so  strange  to  you,  is 
not  only  the  annihilator  of  a  goodly  portion  of  the  fancies  hitherto  held,  but  also  the  founder 
of  a  positive  and  harmonized  system  of  Social  Science,  a  system  fruitful  in  every  direction. 
The  reform  of  traditional  political  economy,  which  he  has  not  only  pioneered  but  completed, 
is  of  so  vast  a  nature  that  I  almost  hesitate  to  call  it  solely  a  reform.  We  have  in  fact  to  do 
with  an  entirely  original  creation.  The  work  of  Carey  is  to  me  as  an  oasis  in  the  desert  of 
every-day  monotony." — "  Carey's  Umwakunq  der  Volkswirthschaftslehre  und  Socialwissen- 
schaft ;"  von  Eugen  Duhring,  Docent  dcr  Philosophic  und  Nationaloekonomie  an  der  Berliner 
Universitat.  Munich,  1865. 

"  Mr.  Carey  is  unquestionably  the  greatest  American  economist,  one  who  could  occupy  a 
distinguished  place  in  any  of  the  States  of  Europe.  *  f  *  *  An  economist  first,  he  ts 
alwavs  a  philosopher  and  naturalist.  *  '  His  '  Principles  of  Social  Science'  is  one  of 

those  books  whose  careful  study  is  rewarded  by  the  largest  profit" — MORIN,  Lea  Idees  dv. 
Temps  Present,  Paris,  1864 

"  To  any  student  of  Carey's  work  I  can  promise  the  most  elevating  hours  of  intellectual 
enjoyment,  followed  by  the  richest  harvest ;  and  to  the  economist  and  the  statesman,  a  pow- 
erful incentive  to  further  investigation." — WIRTH,  introduction  to  Die  Grundlogen  der  So 
cia  Iwissensch  aft. 

"  We  shall  be  content  if  we  shall  have  succeeded  in  giving  such  *  preliminary  conception 
of  the  work  as  shall  lead  our  readers  to  the  careful  study  of  a  thinker  who  merits  their 
highest  respect.  Carey  is  a  writer  who,  as  we  know  from  our  own  experince,  steadily  grows 


upon  us,  and  performs  even  more  than  his  reader  had,  by  the  fascinating  first  impression  he 

had  received,  been  led  to  hope  for." — Grenzboten,  Berlin,  Sept.,  1864. 

"  This  one  truth  (the  theory  of  rent)  would  suffice  for  placing   Carey  in  the  first  rank  of 

philosophers,  yet  it  is  only  because   of  deficiency  of  space  that  we  have  selected  it  from 

among  the  new  and  profound  thoughts  with  which  his  work  abounds." — Augsburg  Abend- 

zeitung 

"  The  services  of  Carey  have  been  immense.    *    *    He  has  disproved  the  fatal  necessity 

of  poverty  and  crime,  those  pretended  companions  of  civilization,  destructive  as  they  are  of 

economical  harmony." — Bunge,  Harmony  of  Economical  Relations,  according  to  the  System  of 

Carey.     St.  Petersburg,  1860. 
"  The  first  economist  of  the  age.    *    *    His  Principles  of  Social  Science  has  done  more  for 

the  prosecution  of  the  science  than  had  before  been  done  by  the  combined  labors  of  all  the 

economists  of  Europe." — Vessillo  d'  Italia, 

BY  THE  SAME  AUTHOR. 

FINANCIAL  CRISES,  their  Causes  and  Effects.    8vo.  paper 25 

FRENCH  AND  AMERICAN  TARIFFS  Compared,  in  a  Series  of  Letters  addressed 

to  Mons.  M.  Chevalier,    8vo.  paper 25 

HARMONY  OF  INTERESTS ;  Agricultural,  Manufacturing  and  Commercial.    8vo, 

paper 75 

Do.  do.  do.  cloth 1  50 

LETTERS  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED   STATES.    Paper 50 

LETTERS  TO  THE  HON.  SCHUTUER  COLFAX,  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Re- 
presentatives  United  States,  on  ""The  Paper  Question,"  "  The  Farmer's  Question," 
"The  Iron  Question,"  " The  Railroad  Question,"  and  "The  Currency  Question." 
8vo.  paper 75 

MISCELLANEOUS  WORKS  :  comprising  "  Harmony  of  Interests,^  "  Money," 
"  Letters  to  the  President,"  "  French  and  American  Tariffs,"  "  Financial  Crises," 
"  Letters  to  Colfax,"  etc.,  etc.  1  vol.  8vo.,  cloth 3  50 

MONEY :  A  LECTURE  before  the  New  York  Geographical  and  Statistical  Society. 

8vo.,  paper 25 

PAST,  PRESENT  AND  FUTURE.    8vo 2  50 

Do.  do.  do.  12mo 150 

PRINCIPLES  OF  SOCIAL  SCIENCE.    3  vole.,  8vo.,  cloth 10  00 

THE  SLAVE  TRADE,  DOMESTIC  AND  FOREIGN ;  Why  it  Exists,  and  How  it 

may  be  Extinguished.    12mo.,  cloth 1  50 

CONTENTS. — The  Wide  Extent  of  Slavery — Of  Slavery  in  the  British  Colonies — Of  Slav- 
ery in  the  United  States — Of  Emancipation  in  the  British  Colonies— How  Man  Passes  from 
Poverty  and  Slavery  toward  Wealth  and  Freedom — How  Wealth  tends  to  Increase — How 
Labor  acquires  Value  and  Man  becomes  Free — How  Man  passes  from  Wealth  and  If  reedom 
toward  Poverty  and  Slavery — How  Slavery  Grew,  and  How  it  is  now  Maintained  in  the 
West  Indies — How  Slavery  Grew,  and  is  Maintained  in  the  United  States — How  Slavery 
Grows  in  Portugal  and  Turkey — How  Slavery  Grows  in  India — How  Slavery  Grows  in  Ire- 
land  and  Scotland — How  Slavery  Grows  in  England — How  can  Slavery  be  Extinguished — 
How  Freedom  Grows  in  Northern  Germany — How  Freedom  Grows  in  Russia — How  Free- 
dom Grows  in  Denmark — How  Freedom  Grows  in  Spain  and  Belgium — Of  the  Duty  of  the 
People  of  the  United  States— Of  the  Duty  of  the  People  of  England. 

ANY  OF  THE  ABOVE  BOOKS  WILL  BE  SENT  BY  MAIL  FREE  OF  POSTAGE. 
E3P  Baird's  Catalogue  of  PRACTICAL  AND  SCIENTIFIC  BOOKS,  including  all  of  CARET'S 
WORKS,  just  issued,  will  be  sent  free  of  postage  to  any  one  who  will  favor  me  with  hi« 
address. 

I1E.XRY  CAREY  BAIRD, 

INDUSTRIAL  PUBLISHER, 
No.  406  Walnut  Street,  Philadelphia. 


